Tuesday, March 11, 2025

Recent Books on Evangelical Support for, and Evangelical Opposition, to Donald Trump


 

Paul A. Pomerville, Why Didn’t Evangelicals “See Him Coming”? Donald J. Trump’s Deception and Dismantling of American Democracy. Eugene, OR: Resource, 2023.

Pomerville’s book examines the presidency of Donald J. Trump, analysing and discussing the various aspects of his term and the lead up to it. For example, he also discusses his business dealings, and his relations with his family prior to entering the presidential race in 2015.

Pomerville focuses a lot on Trump’s character. He calls him a “sociopath”, having the “common pathological personality disorder, malignant narcissim” (65, see also p. 48–49, and 62). He describes him also as “a sick fascist tyrant” (215) and “an immoral white-collar criminal”. There are other descriptions of Trump, equally unflattering. Pomerville has an almost visceral dislike of Trump.

The reason by Americans generally, and white evangelicals in particular, supported Trump is that they were subjected to “gaslighting” by him. “Psychology coopted the term “gaslighting” [from a 1944 movie, Gaslight] to describe the actions of manipulative persons having pathological personality disorders that attempt to steal another’s reality and impose their own” (109–10). Trump has normalized the characteristics of gaslighting “in narcissistic America” so that is has penetrated deep into the American psyche (see 167). Trump has developed a five-step gaslighting scheme, which operates as follows (see 118–19):

(a)    Stake a claim: often a lie difficult to challenge or prove.

(b)   Advance and deny: “advance the false claim while creating speculation on it while appearing noncommittal, even denying it” (119)

(c)   Create suspense: keep media focused on the claim by stating that the evidence will soon come out.

(d)   Discredit opponent: attack their personal character or their motives.

(e)    Win: “Declare victory, whatever the outcome is or the circumstances are” (119).

Pomerville claims that Christians who listen to the voice of Donald Trump, are choosing to follow him and listen to his voice over listening to the voice of Jesus Christ. They show that they either do not choose to, or could not recognise that Trump is “a morally and spiritually bankrupt human being”, or they are “not even trying to distinguish good from evil” (249). What is required is repentance and turning back to “a faith-connection with Jesus the Lord of life” (251).

Pomerville’s book is a sustained diatribe against Trump, and others get swept up in the condemnation of Trump and described as “corrupt”, e.g. the Attorney General William Barr. Unfortunately, in my opinion, Pomerville’s bitter invective is marred by an analogy drawn with the gaslighting by Jewish Christians led by former Pharisees against the wider church (see 139). He also writes of “Pharisees [in Jesus’s day] continu[ing] their gaslighting by teaching the corrupt Israel-centered, postexilic Judaism”. This is in danger of coming across as both anti-Jewish and a denigration of Judaism. In the latter part of the chapter (Chapter Seven) in which this occurs, he writes about “[d]ispensational theology and a radical Christian Zionism” which are “Israel-centered, not Christ-centered” (153). This has become a central piece of an “Israel-centered evangelical theology” which is a “cultural blind spot among evangelicals that affects their view and interpretation of the whole New Testament” (155, and see all of 153–156).

About the author (from the back cover page): “[He] has a PhD in intercultural studies from the School of World Mission at Fuller Seminar. He served as a missionary to Asia and Europe, graduate professor, and department chair of Christian missions and cross-cultural communications at the Assemblies of God Seminary. He was a police officer with the Seattle Police Department, trained police officers across the United States, as well as in Bosnia-Herzegovina and East Timor, serving as Assistant Police Commissioner with the United Nations police. He now lives in Bali.”


Amy Hawk, The Judas Effect: How Evangelicals Betrayed Jesus for Power. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2024.

This is a most personal book. Hawk describes her devastation at the way in which the evangelical church embraced Trump in 2016. She could not remain in her local Assembly of God community. She writes in a forthright manner, and engages in some plain-speaking, at times taking a “prophetic” stance, see e.g. calling men out for abuse and bullying behaviour towards women (p. 107)

Hawk, whose father was a decorated veteran, a fighter pilot who was shot down and captured by the North Vietnamese Army, was particularly stung by Trump’s attitude to veterans. She describes Trump as a “bully-ruler”. She also attributes his bullying behaviour (drawing on an account of Trump's upbringing by his neice, Mary Trump) to a difficult relationship with his father, where he acted in a bullying way to attract his father's attention and earn "the recognition he so desperately craved" (see pp. 131-32). She writes of Trump claiming to be a "baby" believer (a "baby Christian"), but states that he "drags God's glory through the mud" (78-79, quote on 79). 

Chapter 9 “Test the Spirits” is an interesting feature of the book in that it is a sustained comparison between Adolf Hitler and Donald Trump, comparing their characters, and attitudes and actions. It is telling that she writes: “Only one book has been confirmed–both by Trump and by his ex-wife Ivana–to have rested on his night stand: Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler” (62).

About the Author (from the back cover): “In 2016, Amy Hawk was a hyper-patriotic, Jesus-loving, white, evangelical, church-attending, and ministry-leading wife and mom living in a small town in the Pacific Northwest. She came into the election determined to vote Republican, but when she saw the video of Donald Trump mocking a disabled journalist, she hurled herself off the Trump train and never looked back…She lives in Oregon with her husband and their tiny Yorkie. They have two young adult children.”

Both Hawk and Pomerville canvas many of Trump’s actions, attitudes and misdemeanours, such as the lies he tells, his misogynism and sexual predation, his incitement of the January 6, 2021, and his refusal to accept he had lost the 2020 election, the court cases against him, and his behaviour as a businessman before his election (e.g. refusing to pay creditors, etc), along with many other aspects of Trump’s character and actions.

The following two books, unlike those by Hawk and Pomerville were written before the 2020 Presidential election. They traverse many of the same issues, and aspects of Trump’s character and actions as the two above. However, Wallace’s book provides an insight into the kind of “history” of fundamentalist/evangelical preaching that lay the groundwork, as it were, for Trump’s appeal, and why his style of rhetoric resonates with fundamentalist/evangelical audiences. The book edited by Ronald Sider is probably the best for getting an overview of the reasons for Trump’s appeal to many evangelical Christians in the US.


Rodney Wallace Kennedy, The Immaculate Mistake: How Evangelicals Gave Birth to Donald Trump. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books (imprint of Wipf and Stock), 2021.

I am not sure what to make of this book. It does not really deliver on its title. It does show how Trump’s behaviour and rhetorical style mirrors a number of revivalist, and evangelical, or fundamentalist preachers in US religious history. It does show how and why a certain brand of evangelical is attracted to Trump’s style and even policies (see p. 13). But much of the book attends to other matters, and takes a number of digressions (Trump is lost sight of as Kennedy discusses at length in one chapter the sermon of Dr. Jeremiah Wright in which he excoriates America). The final chapter turns into a long peroration on racism and the “cloak of invisibility” that white evangelicals throw over the question of whether there is systemic racism in the US.

“The Immaculate Mistake” of the title is a reference to Trump’s birtherism claims against Obama, which Kennedy turns against Donald Trump to ask “where was Trump born?”: Trump he claims was born from evangelical hopes of a “dream” candidate: and “a carnival of fake prophets, charismatics,  Pentecostals, and independent network preachers on television” have given birth to Donald Trump (1).

The book centres on an analysis of four evangelical preachers with whom Trump is compared in terms of his rhetoric, and some of his attitudes (which mirror theirs). These four also supply “tropes” that define Trump’s style of speech and behaviour. So, for example, the first, Billy Sunday (“Vaudeville Revivalist”) provides an analogy to Trump in terms of being an “outlaw” who attacks the elite, who revelled in crowds, whose language was “a raw, visceral, vaudeville rhetoric” (25), full of “bar talk”, bragging, and profanity.

J Frank Norris and Trump both share characteristics in being “real fighters”, facing numerous legal battles and pugnaciously combatting critics and protestors. The trope of “enemy” defined Norris’s life, as it does Trump’s; and both engage in “a rhetorical perversion” that departs from accepted norms of religion and politics.

Jerry Falwell, Sr., and Trump share the characteristic of “getting even” with those who cross them, and display the “rhetoric of ressentiment” (“a psychological state arising from suppressed feelings of envy and hatred that cannot be acted upon”, [68]), and resentment. Trump plays on these feelings amongst his supporters. The evocation of Falwell also raises the issue of racism in evangelicalism.

Finally, Kennedy considers the case of the Rev. Dr. Robert Jeffress, who is not only a close confidant of Donald Trump, but also represents the trope of American nationalism, and the opposition of fundamentalism to liberalism. In the chapter (Chapter Four) on Jeffress, Kennedy analyses two sermons, one by Jeffress that holds up America as a “Christian Nation”, and meshes with Trump’s “Make America Great Again” (or American exceptionalism) mantra. The other is by Jeremiah Wright, in which Wright preaches against confusing God and government.

A couple of chapters consider the tendency of evangelicals to compare Trump with Cyrus, or Saul, Samson or Solomon. Kennedy shows how Cyrus possessed “a more generous spirit” than Trump (136), and, unlike Trump, “put in place a humane foreign policy” (138). The comparison with Solomon focuses on how Solomon gained his power and the kingship by deception, and misused his position. The comparison with Samson evokes the idea of a strongman which does not ring true, while Saul represents vengefulness and insecurity.

The final chapter (Chapter 7: Aristotle to the Rescue; Or Alternative Rhetorical Tropes for Evangelicals and Trump) covers some alternative “secular characters [as] more acceptable tropes for understanding the character of Trump” (162): Tony Soprano (HBO’s mafia don), the Southern “Good Old Boy”, and Vladimir Putin. Finally, the book ends with an examination of the “cloak of invisibility” that evangelicals throw over the issue of racism. It also looks at some of the ways in which attempts are made to undermine examination of racism by claiming the issue is about other things such as “history”, or allegiance to the flag, or being against political correctness.

One of the difficulties with the book is that it uses the term “evangelical” very loosely. It seems to me that moderate evangelicalism, or what might be terms “IVF”, “Urbana” and perhaps even “mainstream evangelicalism” is ignored. Early on in the book, Kennedy does use the phrases “fundamentalist-to-evangelical” and “fundamentalist-to-evangelical conservatives”, and “conservative evangelicals”, in an attempt to delimit the type of evangelical he has in mind (see pp. 12, 13, and his statement that Trump’s inauguration “was the coronation of a religious constituency–conservative evangelicals” [13]). But this is soon dropped for the simple descriptor “evangelicals”.

Another problem is that Kennedy does not so much show that evangelicals created Donald Trump, as that a brand of evangelicals, or a collection of evangelical preachers have provided tropes and models of Trump’s own brand of rhetoric and political operation. It is true a (possibly large) part of the evangelical constituency has helped Trump get elected, and have supported him and his policies. But it is perhaps a bit of a stretch to say that evangelicals “gave birth to Donald Trump”.

The book itself is less helpful in understanding Trump’s presidency, and achievements: and the connection with evangelicalism, than I had hoped. For one who appears to put a lot of stress on rhetoric, the book is also surprisingly digressive, and in places repetitive. Kennedy also writes one or two incomprehensible or incomplete sentences.  For example, on p. 152, he writes: “They [preachers] call America back to God; evangelicals call God to Trump.” What exactly is meant by that? And what is “ad baculum” (see p. 171)? I can only assume it means something like “beating someone, taking the stick to someone”, from the Latin: baculum – nt. Stick, walking stick, lictor’s staff. Ad = to, hence “to the stick”?

Kennedy is himself an evangelical: a southerner, and a fundamentalist in days gone by. He is described, and describes himself as a preacher (a preacher trained in what he calls “a seminary-trained, Aristotelian” style, as well as a form of “Black rhetoric”, or “the Black prophetic preaching tradition” [4]). The book is, in a sense, an extended sermon.


Ronald J. Sider, ed. The Spiritual Danger of Donald Trump: 30 Evangelical Christians on Justice, Truth, and Moral Integrity.  Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2020.

Introduction (Sider)

More and more Americans are rejecting Christian faith…especially young people, including evangelicals, because of what they consider immoral, fundamentally wrong, political engagement by Christians, especially evangelical Christians (xxi).

Part 1: On Trump.

Chapter 1: Why “Mere” Words Matter (Mark Galli).

Galli is interested in Trump’s “public character, in his habitual public actions, and, in this case, his caustic public words when he acts as President” (7). Concerned about evangelical supporters to speak openly and truthfully about this.

Chapter 2: God Hates A Lying Tongue (Chris Thurman).

Trump a pathological liar. Details the many lies that Trump has told. But does not really strike at the heart of the issue which is that Trump has eroded the trust in factual reporting, in “truth”, and in evidence.

Chapter 3: Donald Trump’s Low View of Women (Vicki Courtney)

Discusses Trump’s misogynistic demeaning of women, and objectification. No witness to gospel if stand for non-objectification, chivalrous attitude to women but then excuse Trump.

Chapter 4: Race-Baiter, Misogynist, and Fool (Napp Nazworth).

Trump’s race relations rhetoric and the reality emboldens white, far-right, and stokes fear of non-whites. Trivialised the Charlottesville episode by generalising and denying the gravity of the situation. Deals with attitudes to women. Trump boasts about his IQ but is a “fool” in the biblical sense (that is uses anger, failure to listen to advice, insults and unwise language, etc.)

Chapter 5: Humility, Pride, and the Presidency of Donald Trump (Michael Austin).

More on Trump’s lies, especially the overblown claims. [It Trump merely a blowhard?]

Chapter 6: The Trump Brand and the Mocking of Christian Values (Irene Fowler).

Writes about Trump’s mocking approach and failure to live by Christianity’s “core values” of a hunger and thirst for righteousness, love for God not things of this world, loving others, glorifying God not oneself, care for the hurting and oppressed, dedication to the truth.

Chapter 7: 10 Reasons Christians Should Reconsider Their Support of Trump (Christopher Pieper & Matt Henderson.

Trump’s personality and “flaws”:

Character: (1) lacks compassion (2) appeals to fear and anger, (3) lies.

Relationships: (1) hostile to women, (2) speaks about daughter in a disrespectful and sexualised way; (3) does not love enemies, cultivates antagonism; (4) does not model sacrifice or altruism.

Values: (1) does not seem to care about the poor; (2) loves money more than God or others.

Chapter 8: President Trump and the COVID-19 Epidemic (Ronald J.Sider).

Trump’s attitude to Covid-19 epidemic was cavalier, denied its seriousness, then finally declared it a pandemic, stating that he had known this all along.

Part II: On Evangelical Support of Trump.

Chapter 9: The Deepening Crisis in Evangelical Christianity (Peter Wehner).

Many Trump supporters think that God has chosen Trump. 2019 approval for President Trump among white evangelical Protestants 25 points higher than national average. Evangelical support for Trump is doing damage–perhaps irreparable–to the church; many young people turning away.

Chapter 10: Donald Trump and the Death of Evangelicalism (Randall Balmer).

Traces the “long and lingering illness” of evangelicalism from its more progressive, socially concerned and values driven character in the C18th, early C19th to the move to the right in the 1970’s and the embrace of “right” mores and values and capitalism etc.

Chapter 11: Will the Evangelical Center Remain Silent in 2020? (Ronald J. Sider)

Only small number of evangelicals spoke publicly about Trump in opposition to his words and actions. Outlines some of the damaging things that Trump has done. States that evangelicals should reflect on whether Trump’s policies and actions align with a “biblically balanced agenda.”

Chapter 12: Voices from the Global Evangelical Community (J. Samuel Escobar, David S. Lim & D. Zac Niringiye).

Chapter reproduces “A Call for Biblical Faithfulness Amid the New Fascism” by the International Fellowship for Mission as Transformation. Three evangelicals outline why they cannot support President Trump.

Chapter 13: “If You Board the Wrong Train…” American Christians, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and Donald Trump (Stephen Haynes).

Bonhoeffer’s legacy is being co-opted to support Trump. This is a travesty of what Bonhoeffer stood for (see pp. 111–112 on the Cyrus analogy).

Chapter 14: Hymn for the 81% (Daniel Deitrich).

A poetic “complaint” against the evangelical support for Trump.

Chapter 15: Trump, the Last Temptation (George Yancey).

Christianophobia is a felt threat by US evangelicals. Hence support for Trump who is seen as someone who will protect them. This is misguided (a) culture needs changing, leaders can only do so much for limited time to protect against anti-Christian changes to culture. (b) Trump will exacerbate Christianophobia because support for him will simply confirm those with anti-Christian views in their opinion of Christians. (c) Causes split among Christians. See p. 130 on damage and unwillingness of Trump’s evangelical supporters to call him out.

Chapter 16: Immoral, Spineless, Demonic, Prideful, Blind, Stupid, and Lacking in Grace? (Chris Thurman).

Evangelical leaders demean those who do not support Trump. Must learn to disagree in love. See p. 137 on Trump and 2 Timothy 3:1–5.

Chapter 17: Setting Your Own Rules and Cognitive Dissonance. (Edward G. Simmons, David C. Ludden, & J. Colin Harris).

Evangelical leadership’s justification of Trump and demonising of those who oppose Trump. Able to do this through living with cognitive dissonance.

Part III: On Theological, Historical, and Constitutional Issues Regarding Trump.

Chapter 18: Christ the Center and Norm (Miroslav Volf & Ryan McAnnally-Linz)

Christian commitment has a public (hence, political) dimension but kingdom values are antithetical to worldly power.

Chapter 19: Evangelical Double-Mindedness in Support of Donald Trump (James W. Skillen & James R. Skillen).

Two “Exodus” stories in conflict with one another (a) Exodus from Egypt, cf. Great Britain (i.e. the “escape” of Pilgrims, non-conformists from England, and independence, notion of being “a city on a hill” etc. (b) Afro-American exodus internally from political and social oppression.

Chapter 20: What White Evangelicals Can Learn about Politics from the Civil Rights Movement (John Fea).

Humility, non-violence, hope.

Chapter 21: At Odds: The Collision of Scripture and Current Immigration Policy (Reid Ribble).

Immigration policy: Have evangelicals forgotten their compassion and that immigrants are also children of God?

Chapter 22: Quo Vadis, America” (Steven E. Meyer).

Changed political landscape (a) political-cultural split on “tribal” lines – entrenched positions, ideas, etc. (b) The two major political parties are stuck in the past.

Christians/evangelical Christian support Trump out of fear. Fundamentalist Christians support Trump–not evangelicals per se. Trump is after power–supporting evangelical causes aid this, therefore his support is a means to an end.

Chapter 23: Three Prophetic Voices against Silence (Edward G. Simmons).

Examines the work of Walter Brueggemann, Jon Meacham, and Madeleine Albright on Trump and the dangers he poses.

Chapter 24: An Anvil Which Wears Out Many Hammers (Christopher Hutchinson).

Must not compromise Christian principles and allegiance to Christ for the sake of political power.

Chapter 25: The Constitution and Faith (Julia Stronks).

(a)    Does the Constitution matter? Yes. Does Donald Trump honour the Constitution? Seems not – doubtful. Does it matter? Yes.

Afterword: On Returning to Christ (Ronald J. Sider).

A plea to work to find unity, or to find ways to respectfully disagree and discuss differences of political opinion. Suggestions given on ways this could be done. 

Sunday, February 2, 2025

It's time for a world-wide people movement for global development


As 2025 begins, we are five years off the target year for Agenda 2030. This is the target date for completing the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These were agreed to in 2015 by all 193 member nations of the United Nations. They also have within them targets that are measurable and time-bound.

These seventeen SDGs encompass a wide range of issues that, among others, include addressing poverty, ensuring access to education for all, addressing gender equality and the empowerment of women, providing productive employment and decent work for all. A number of the goals address climate change and conservation measures (including creating healthy seas, clean waterways, and sustainable land use). Underpinning all is the important seventeenth goal which aims to strengthen and promote a global partnership for sustainable development.

It seems to me that, quite apart from any worthwhile and important development gains that would come from achieving the goals, the SGDs provide an important resource for peace in an increasingly fractious world. This is because they provide a framework, a platform, and, yes, an agenda for global co-operation among the nations.

Furthermore, were the priorities and programmes contained within the SDGs to become the sustained focus of attention, there would be less time and resources allocated to ramping up tensions through trade wars, military alliances, and superpower rivalry.

There are many distractions and challenges standing in the way. Conflict, corruption, complacency, preoccupation with the challenges of a “cost of living crisis”, unemployment, migration issues, and the list could go on. These, and much else, are ever present; so if we let them prevent us from striving to achieve the SDGs, we simply resign ourselves to continued failed attempts at peace and security.

Every nation has its share of developmental problems and issues to address. So the SDGs are a way of acknowledging that “we are all in this together”. Furthermore, as President Emmanuel Macron recently reminded us, “there is no Planet-B”. We either co-operate to attain greater peace and security, and wellbeing for all: or we may descend into chaos and conflict.

What is the way forward? How may we ensure that the opportunities afforded by the SGDs are not squandered? The answer, I believe, lies in the hands of civil society. Let’s not forget that the Agenda has already been agreed to: it is a matter of ensuring that the world’s nations follow through.

While much has been achieved, and the SDGs have been taken up by institutions within civil society, it seems to me, that their potential is often unrecognised, and that they are easily forgotten and neglected. Here are two ways, I think that we can ensure the SDGs continue to be the focus of attention.

First, NGOs and charitable organisations that have as their core aims the mitigation of harm and wellbeing of humans, advocate strongly for the SDGs. They may wish to identify the particular SDGs that align with their objectives, and champion those particularly. There is, however, important gains to be had by ensuring governments to not lose sight of the global and collective aspect of the SDGs.

Secondly, citizens are educated and mobilised to insist that the SGDs are made a priority by governments. Our wellbeing and welfare are too important simply to be left to the politicians. We have witnessed many large-scale protest movements since the turn of the millennium. Imagine if  half-a-million to a million people in each member state of the United Nations mobilised to demand that the goals within the SDGs be achieved.  Imagine the momentum that would be generated by protests focused on an agenda already globally agreed and in place?



Thursday, November 21, 2024

The Nordic Theory of Everything and "the Nordic theory of love".


 Notes on Anu Partanen, The Nordic Theory of Everything: In Search of a Better Life. New York: HarperCollins, 2016. 

Anu Partanen, a Finnish journalist married to an American, and now living in New York, writes about the differences between “socialist” Finnish society, with its “well-being” approach to society, and the American “dream” of individual effort and success, capitalist, competitive, and celebrating the supposed ability for everybody to pursue happiness and the good life. She kicks the tyres of America’s education, health, welfare, and tax system and finds them quite flat. 

The book’s main title is The Nordic Theory of Everything, but, in fact, it might as well been titled “The Nordic Theory of Love”. Perhaps the publishers felt that would be misleading, or misunderstood, but actually Partanen refers frequently to the Nordic theory of love. What is it? Briefly, it is the idea that “authentic love and friendship are possible only between individuals who are independent and equal” (50). So the role of the state–as the expression of a collective will of the people, as it were–is to ensure that everyone has equal opportunity to be self-sufficient and independent “in relation to other members of the community” (51). “If you’re a fan of American individualism and personal freedom, this might strike you as downright all-American thinking”, writes Partanen. 

The difference is that the Nordic theory of love holds that it is the collective responsibility of the national community through taxes and the “well-being” system, to ensure that all members of the community has access to important drivers to enabling people to attain that measure of self-sufficiency and independence. These drivers are such things as access to a good education, the ability to enjoy good health care, a good work-life balance, and assistance with building strong and stable family life. 

In the Nordic countries most of these objectives are met through the provision services paid for by taxes. In the United States, they are left to individuals, family units and even private companies to provide. To give but one example of the last: health insurance, a necessity in the States, is often provided through one’s employer. Partanen provides numerous examples of how Nordic countries support their citizens in being able to be parents to continue working while raising a family, and especially parents with young new-born or preschool age children. 

One is through the provision of paid parental leave: for fathers as well as mothers. Mothers can take a year or even two to be at home with young children, while a man might take “six months or so while the mother returns to work” (92). There is even “daddy-only” time available. In Finland it is nine weeks, and three may be taken concurrently with the mother. The leave is available to either parent, so a father can choose to take longer time and allow the mother to return to work (94). Surveys show American fathers, Partanen states, would like to take paternity leave, but are “often stymied in this by employers who don’t offer such leaves”.  All employers and employees fund parental leave through their taxes, and parental leave is widely accepted as the norm by employers. In the United States, parents must manage parental leave themselves, either by finding (sometimes costly) child-care or relying on grandparents or other family members. The burden most often falls on the mother, who may have to leave the work force in order to care for young children. In Finland, jobs are held open for a parent who stays at home for up to three years, though Partanen does not say how employers manage the interim. 

One of the things that worried Partanen when she moved to live in the United States, and discovered that she would no longer have access to the Finnish national health service, was how she would afford treatment if she needed it. “Medical bills”, she learned, “were the cause of most personal bankruptcies in the United States” (170). Another difficulty was in needing to find a personal doctor: in the States, it seems, it was important to choose a doctor one wanted or was comfortable with. Partanen relates how one friend researched and spoke with family and friends about finding the best doctor. This struck Partanen as stressful, and one she had not faced in Finland. She always went to her local “public clinic”, secure in the knowledge the one doctor in Finland was as good as the next. As for costs, these, compared with those in the US, were minimal to non-existent. 

So what about taxes? It turns out that taxes for a single individual without children are comparatively low. A comparison of OECD countries in 2014, showed that “Denmark had the third-highest average tax rate at 38.4 percent”, Finland was ninth at 30.7 percent, while Sweden “fell under the OECD average with a rate of 24.4 percent” (254). While overall taxes may be higher than in the States, what Finns get in return for their taxes in benefits, puts them on more-or-less an even playing field with Americans, when the after-tax expenses for Americans are taken into account (many of these covered for Finns by the high-quality and reliable tax-supported services they receive).

Partanen writes clearly, and cogently. She provides many examples of the differences between the Nordic approach to social and political agendas and those of the USA. She draws on personal experience, anecdotes relating to friends and family and folk she has interviewed. She has evidently read widely, and absorbed and synthesised a large amount of information very well, as her extensive notes and bibliography show. One interesting feature of the book is the stress she puts on the fact that the Nordic “theory of love” allows for individual choice, and opportunity, and independence from “unhealthy” dependency upon others (parents, spouses, others). And yet this all takes place within a communitarian framework: one in which the well-being of the individual depends upon the collective support of, and the sharing of the financial burden by, society. Perhaps her emphasis on independence is because she writes for a context where “socialism” (a communal, societal, governmental collective welfare system) is under suspicion. Nonetheless, there is occasionally an implicit tension, I sense, between a yearning for freedom from “unhealthy dependence” for the individual, and the necessity for a communal, societal and governmental framework to deliver this. 

Partanen does appreciate many things about the American system: its dynamism, its entrepreneurial verve and innovation (though she shows that Finland does not lack these either), its freedom and its optimism. She acknowledges that Finland, by comparison can be conformist and a bit dour. She is sometimes asked why Finland has such a high suicide rate, if it is such a great place to live. She acknowledges that negativity and pessimism is a feature of Finnish society. But Partanen evidently is somewhat conflicted over life in her adopted homeland (she is now a US citizen). She feels that the Nordic nations “have set an example from which America could profitably borrow” and were it to do so, that might make her “want to stay forever” (329). In her epilogue, she relates the day in 2013 that she received her US citizenship. At the end of the ceremony, she tells of how her husband offered to take a photo of a man and his newly naturalized wife. As the man left, he glanced back at Partanen clutching her certificate of citizenship. “Enjoy America,” he said grinning. “I hope you like it.” (333). That, I sense, is for Partanen still something of an open question. 

Where does New Zealand stand in relation to the comparison between the USA and Finland? In many ways, in the middle: we aspire to being a “well-being” state, and through our system of taxation and associated benefits make some attempt to achieve “well-being”. However, we are increasingly resembling the United States’ approach to social conditions and governmental strategies. Sometimes, I think, it is as simple as the fact that we want a “well-being” state, but we don’t want to pay for it.


Thursday, October 24, 2024

Reading John Steinbeck's, The Grapes of Wrath



On our trip to the USA, Finland and the UK recently, I re-read The Grapes of Wrath (first published in 1939).[1] It is years since I first read it, so I had forgotten most of the story line.  However, the following passage has remained with me. Al Joad is driving an old, second-hand Hudson truck along Highway 66 (“the main migrant road”), as the family drive out west from Oklahoma to look for work in California.

Listen to the motor. Listen to the wheels. Listen with your ears and with your hands on the steering-wheel; listen with the palm of your hand on the gear-shift lever: listen with your feet on the floor-boards. Listen to the pounding of the old jalopy with all your senses; for a change of tone, a variation of rhythm may mean–a week here? That rattle–that’s tappets. Don’t hurt a bit. Tappets can rattle till Jesus comes again without no harm. But that thudding as the car moves along–can’t hear that–just kind of feel it. Maybe oil isn’t getting someplace. Maybe a bearing’s starting to go.[2]

Perhaps when I first read that evocative passage, it resonated because I was driving a second-hand Morris Minor. I could identify with listening “with your feet on the floor-boards”, or on the accelerator or clutch, as the case might be.

            Grapes of Wrath essentially is the story of an “Okie” family, the Joads, who are pushed off their little farm by a combination of poor crops affected by dust-storms, and the march of progress, or rather the banks foreclosing on the owners of the land, and the tenant farmers being put off their land. So the “Okies”, thousands of them, set out for California, where they imagine there’ll be jobs and opportunity galore, and they’ll be able to buy their own houses.

            The story charts their progress. It details their deprivations, their hunt for places to stay along the way, their time in Government supplied transit camps, or private camps. It describes the way they are exploited in the jobs that they land: how, because of the abundance of people looking for work, the employers are able to drive down the wages to barely subsistence level, if that.

            Steinbeck captures the dialect of the “Okies” beautifully. He conveys their simple faith, and religiosity. He writes of their everyday interactions on the road, and the way that folk, by and large, helped each other out, and made friends quickly and easily.

            Steinbeck generally conveys the injustices and the difficulties that the Okies experience through narrative description. Occasionally he writes a more discursive type of description, where the narrator’s voice engages in exposition. Here, some of his indignation shows through, though it is generally fairly muted. Here are excerpts from Chapter Twenty-One. He writes about how the “moving, questing people [who] were migrants now”, are changed by the movement, and the reaction of those amongst whom they hope to settle.

The movement changed them; the highways, the camps along the road, the fear of hunger and the hunger itself, changed them. The children without dinner changed them, the endless moving changed them. They were migrants. And the hostility changed them, welded them, united them–hostility that made the little town group and arm as though to repel an invader, squads with pick-handles, clerks and shopkeepers with shotguns, guarding the world against their own people.

In the West there was panic when the migrants multiplied on the highways. Men of property were terrified for their property. Men who had never been hungry saw the eyes of the hungry. Men who had never wanted anything very much saw the flare of want in the eyes of the migrants. And the men of the towns and of the soft suburban country gathered to defend themselves; and they reassured themselves that they were good and the invaders bad, as a man must do before he fights. They said: These god-damned Okies are dirty and ignorant. They’re degenerate, sexual maniacs. These goddamned Okies are thieves. They’ll steal anything. They’ve got no sense of property rights.[3]

….

Steinbeck writes of how “the great owners and companies invented a new method” for making profits, by buying a canneries, and making profits off the end products while cutting the cost of the raw materials. “And the little farmers who owned no canneries lost their farms, and they were taken by the great owners, the banks, and the companies who also owned the canneries”. The little farmers also take to the road, so that “the roads were crowded with men ravenous for work, murderous for work.”

And the companies, the banks worked at their own doom and they did not know it. The fields were fruitful, and starving men moved on the roads. The granaries were full and the children of the poor grew up rachitic, and the pustules of pellagra swelled on their sides. The great companies did not know that the line between hunger and anger is a thin line. And money that might have gone to wages went for gas, for guns, for agents and spies, for blacklists, for drilling. On the highways the people moved like ants and searched for work, for food. And the anger began to ferment.[4]

In fact, the anger, such as it is, does not translate into violence, so much as protest, or strikes, actions which lead to violence against the protestors and strikers. Such violence that Okies mete out is localised, individualised and in the heat of the moment when a friend is attacked (see the incident with Tom Joad).[5]  Mostly, they accept their situation docilely, and compete with each other for work, and drive the cost of wages down:

When there was work for a man, ten men fought for it–fought with a low wage. If that fella’ll work for thirty cents, I’ll work for twenty-five.

If he’ll take twenty-five, I’ll do it for twenty.

No, me, I’m hungry. I’ll work for fifteen. I’ll work for food. The kids. You ought to see them. Little boils, like, comin’ out, an’ they can’t run aroun’. Give ‘em some windfall fruit, an’ they bloated up. Me, I’ll work for a little piece of meat.

And this was good, for wages went down and prices stayed up. The great owners were glad and they sent out more handbills to bring more people in. And wages went down and prices stayed up. And pretty soon now we’ll have serfs again.[6]

That final sentence, an authorial comment, says it all. Have we moved on much from the circumstances and values of The Grapes of Wrath?



[1] First published by William Heinemann. The edition I read was in the Penguin Modern Classics series, published by Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1951.

[2] John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath, 109.

[3] Steinbeck, Grapes of Wrath, 259.

[4] Steinbeck, Grapes of Wrath, 260–61.

[5] Steinbeck, Grapes of Wrath, 354–55.

[6] Steinbeck, Grapes of Wrath, 260.

Tuesday, January 23, 2024

Two books on Arab/Jew and Israel/Palestine relations.

The current conflict in Gaza has caused me to read a couple of books on the long-standing issue of the relations between Jews and Arabs, or Israel and the Palestinian territories. One is by David K. Shipler, Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land (Revised and updated edition; New York/London: Penguin Books, 2002; first edition Random House, 1986; Penguin 1987). The other is by Anna Baltzer, Witness in Palestine: A Jewish American Woman in the Occupied Territories (Revised and updated; Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007).

In his book David Shipler, who states at the outset that he is “neither Arab nor Jew” (xxi), puts his finger on where any hopes of peace and co-existence between Arabs and Jews, and between Israelis and Palestinians, must start. They must look into each other’s eyes: and see a fellow human being. He writes:

   Whatever happens in war of diplomacy, whatever territory is won of lost, whatever accommodations or compromises are finally made, the future guarantees  that Arabs and Jews will remain close neighbors in this weary land, entangled in each other’s fears. They will not escape from one another. They will not find peace in treaties, or in victories. They will find it, if at all, by looking into each other’s eyes. (xxxviii)

The notion of looking into each others eyes surfaces several times in the final chapters of the book.

            The book is divided into three sections. The first one, Part One, is called “Aversion.” It outlines four factors that have led to the way in which Israelis (or Israeli Jews) and Palestinians (and in many ways, Israeli Arabs, as well) have comes to exist in the way that they have: in a state of hatred and fear, with sometimes tentative and febrile accommodation and even friendship and love. These factors are: war, nationalisms, terrorism, and religious absolutism. Shipler takes a largely anecdotal approach to these topics, but references various events e.g. the massacre at Deir Yassin, or that annual “Day of Remembrance” when Israeli Jews remember those who have died in wars.

            The second part, “Images”, outlines the various stereotypes that each group has of the other: the Jews who see Arabs as craven, violent, primitive, “dirty”, exotic, sexually dangerous and lustful. Arabs who also see Jews as craven, violent, alien, superior or arrogant, and aggressive. There are stories interspersed with depictions of the way in which these stereotypes are portrayed, or believed, of Jews and Arabs who do have good relations with each other. But, as Shipler points out, these are isolated and individual cases, and, of themselves cannot do much to break down the suspicion, and alienation that exists within the wider societies. It should be said that neither the Jewish nor the Arab societies are monoliths. Within each there is a wide variety of types: for the Jew, there are the disparaties between Askenazi and Sephardi. The Sephardi, coming as they do from societies where many of the customs and social mores are similar to many Arabs. On the Arab side, there are differences in religion, as there are Christian as well as Muslim Arabs; and also one must distinguish between Israeli Arabs and Palestinians.

            In the third part, “Interaction”, Shipler examines some of the ways in which the two groups interact with one another. These are both positive and negative. There is, for instance, on the negative side, the way in which Arabs are harassed and treated by the secret police, or the surveillance and suspicion that Israeli Arabs are subject to, especially when they wish to travel abroad. A negative, but interesting example of co-operation between Jews and Arabs occurs in the criminal world, where Arabs will engage in burglary, while Jews then act as “fences” to on sell the stolen goods. Another is the finding that “40 percent of all pimps in Israel were Arabs managing Jewish prostitutes” (342).

            On the positive side, there is the instance of the relationship built up between an American Jewish academic, Dr. Clinton Bailey, who had become “one of the Western world’s foremost experts on the Bedouin tribesmen who live in the Negev and Sinai deserts” (358), and worked to protect their interests. Another chapter details some instances of intermarriage between an Arab and a Jew, in many cases it seems that the woman is the Jew. One chapter, entitled, “The Violent, Craven Jew”, includes a heartwarming interaction between a young Lebanese Arab woman and an Israeli army colonel, which ends with the young woman, who began defiantly, saying “I’m happy to meet you”, and the colonel saying, “You have touched my heart.” (200). In the penultimate chapter, titled “The Dream”, Shipler spends quite a bit of time describing the interaction between Jewish and Arab young people, eleventh and twelfth graders, who take part in a four-day “workshop” run at “the hilltop community of Neve Shalom” (457). They will play games together, and have “trust building” exercises before discussing their lives and their attitudes to each other, and to the circumstances of living in Israel. This chapter also relates some of the efforts taken within the school system to expose and break down stereotypes.

            Overall, there is much in this book to make one despair of the situation of mistrust, of hatred and of conflict ever being overcome. And one wonders how many generations the current military action in Gaza (since October 7, 2023) will set back any hopes for a peaceful, and just solution to the divisions in the region. Nonetheless, there are sufficiently hopeful signs within the book that suggest that progress is possible. However, it will require a change in the political, social, and institutional arrangements of the region. To begin with, Arabs (and especially the politically-driven groups, such as Hamas) will have to recognise the right of Israel to exist in security and permanently. On the other side, Israel will have to take its foot off the throat of the Palestinians, and genuinely support and work towards their political self-determination. A two-state solution is probably the best way forward: and this will mean that Israel and Palestine will both have to give up any idea that the whole of the territory belongs solely to Jews or Arabs.

            Anna Baltzer, a young American Jewish woman, provides in her book a personal account of some of her experiences during several visits to the West Bank, as a volunteer with the International Women’s Peace Service. This is “a grassroots peace organization dedicated to documenting and non-violently intervening in human rights abuses in the West Bank, and to supporting Palestinian and Israeli nonviolent resistance to the Occupation.” (11) Her book is largely a kind of journal (a series of dated entries) on her experiences, interactions with Palestinians, participation in protest actions, experiences of Israeli Defence Force brutality in 2003, 2004, 2005 and lastly 2007. She includes testimony from various Palestinians along the way, together with some analysis, and occasional background information or commentary drawn from other sources.

            This is the book to read to get a sense of what it means to have the Israeli foot on the throat of Palestinians. It is full of horrifying and, at times, unbelievable accounts. She details the everyday harassment of Palestinians by the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) and often by Jewish settlers living in illegal settlements, along with the frustrations of having to pass through checkpoints. Beyond that there are stories of the detention of (mostly young) Palestinian men, the demolition of homes, unbelievably, in some cases while the residents are still inside. There is no doubt that there have been many instances of “extrajudicial” killing, with the perpetrators able to act with impunity and the connivance of the IDF; members of the IDF, as well as settlers, have been the perpetrators.

            It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the IDF, with the support of the government, has been tacitly conducting a policy to try and empty the West Bank of Palestinians by making their lives unbearable and infeasible. The word “genocide” has been bandied about in the light of the current conflict: this, I think, is too strong a word, and cannot be proven. It is not likely that the Israelis intend to completely wipe out the Palestinians. However, Baltzer several times refers to a policy of “ethnic cleansing”, and this may be true to the extent that much Israeli policy and IDF practice is designed to deprive Palestinians of their land, and livelihoods, and to provide Jewish settlers with security of tenure in illegal settlements.

            Can Israelis and Palestinians live together in peace? Can Arabs and Jews co-exist (not forgetting that some Arabs are Israelis, that is, citizens, though second-class citizens and subject to some of the same harassment as their non-Israeli counterparts)? Both these books suggest that the answer can be “Yes”, and there are those, both Arab and Jew, Israeli and Palestinian who are prepared to do so. But in order for that to happen there need to be changes at the societal, institutional, governmental level: and, perhaps hardest of all, an ideology will need to change, on both sides. 




Sunday, October 15, 2023

ISRAEL and PALESTINE: Can They Ever Co-Exist?

 

I begin with two foundational statements which undergird my approach.

First, Israel has the right to exist and to live in security within its borders. This must be accepted by all parties–including those Arab states (and other nations, e.g. Iran, Pakistan) who still hold out against its existence. It seems to me, however, that for a number of Arab states, for a variety reasons, some self-interested no doubt, have come to that conclusion (see e.g. “the Abraham Accords”). Jordan, whom some consider should be the “Palestinian State”, has had a peace treaty with Israel since 1994. Interestingly, I have in my files a newspaper clipping headed “Arabs ‘ready to admit Israel’s right to exist’”. The clipping comes from The Christchurch Press, dated 16/9/1983 following a UN conference which ended with a final declaration the acknowledged “the right of all States in the region to existence with secure and internationally recognised boundaries, with justice and security for all the people.” The writer, Liesl Graz, wrote: “Decoded that means the Arab States and the Palestine Liberation Organisation are ready, for the first time in a formal document, to admit Israel’s right to exist with the quid pro quo of the right to exist of a Palestinian state.” What happened to that “olive branch”, I wonder?

Nonetheless, my second foundational statement, Palestine as a homeland for Palestinians also needs to be recognised as a legitimate state. Palestinians lived there–and many still do–for generations. There needs, therefore, to be a “Two-State” solution (more of this anon).

The past is the past: it cannot be changed, but it need not continually cripple the future. The creation of Israel is a complex and mixed story. There were injustices, outright subterfuges and duplicity from the beginning (think the “Balfour Declaration” and the Sykes-Picot Agreement). But very few nations have a “pure” genesis. My own country, Aotearoa New Zealand has its own shady bits in its history of creation and subsequent story. And most countries have suffered from the effects of colonisation. So Israel’s history is no more and no less a reason to say that it should not exist.

Over the intervening years, in the decades since 1948, there have been missed opportunities, and exercises in bad faith on both sides. Perhaps the aftermath of the conference reported on above was one missed opportunity. The continued occupation and the establishment of Israeli settlements on the West Bank is an instance of bad faith. Arguably, a missed opportunity and an instance of bad faith on the Palestinian side, came with the refusal of Yasser Arafat to accept the conditions offered by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak at the Camp David meeting hosted by President Bill Clinton in December 2000. Although the different assessments of the genuineness and fairness of those proposals indicates how difficult and complex, and often quite partisan, attempts at peace settlement are.[1]

On the other hand, there have been, and there are stories of goodwill and efforts at mutual understanding on both sides. Many Israelis, and Jews outside of Israel, recognise and support the Palestinian right to their own homeland, and oppose Israel’s occupation of the West Bank. A heartwarming account by Izzeldin Abuelaish tells of his experiences as a doctor living in Gaza who was able to work alongside Jewish colleagues in a hospital in Israel. His friends and colleagues in the hospital were genuinely and deeply concerned about the privations he experienced trying to cross the border from Gaza into Israel, and also for his and his family’s safety when the Israeli Defence Force shelled their home on one of its incursions into Gaza. Despite the fact that three of his daughters and a neice were killed when Israeli shells hit their home, Abuelaish believes Israelis and Palestinians can live together in peace if they can only get to know one another. Co-operation and co-existence are possible but politicians must take a lead in become “humanitarians”. [2]

We should not forget, too, that there are Palestinians who are Israeli citizens. There are, perhaps, sometimes questions to be asked about whether or not they are treated as “second class” citizens. That is an issue for Israeli society to determine and to fix if necessary. As an aside, I note that it was reported that Palestinian Israelis were among the first of those who rushed to help the vicitms of the Hamas militants’ recent incursion into Israel.[3]

The Two-State Solution.

A two-state solution, Israel and the State of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders should be established. A corridor for safe travel between the West Bank and Gaza will need to be enabled at a minimum, but I would hope that my suggestion of a Schengen-style arrangement outlined below would remove the need for that. Interestingly, Phyllis Bennis canvassing the possibilities for “an independent, viable, and sovereign State of Palestine in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem” goes on to write this:

   But as the construction of the Apartheid Wall and the continued expansion of the 440,000 settlers in huge city-sized settlements throughout the West Bank and East Jerusalem seem to make the creation of a viable Palestinian state impossible, more and more Palestinians are reconsidering the goal of creating a democratic secular or bi-national state in all of historic Palestine–encompassing what is now Israel, the West Bank, Gaza, and Jerusalem. Many, perhaps most Palestinians and at least a few Israelis, believe that over the long-term it is in the best interests of both peoples, even if there were an independent and sovereign Palestinian state, to create a single state, based on absolute equality for both nationalities and equal rights for all its citizens.[4]

For the present, it is perhaps a more realistic, though difficult enough objective to obtain a Palestinian State alongside Israel. I would suggest if such a state were to be created, the following parameters should obtain.

1.      Settlements: Of course, no new settlement should be built or begun in the West Bank, (nor within Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem). However, residents of the existing settlements should not be required to move, and existing settlements should not be dismantled. What should happen is that the Jewish residents there should become citizens of the Palestinian state just as there are Arab Israelis. They could, if they wished, choose to relocate within the borders of Israel. Hopefully, by adopting this policy, the angst, anger, and disruption that would likely ensue if settlements were dismantled, or residents evicted forcibly, would be avoided.

2.      There should be a common defence force, committed to the security of both states. Of course, each state could have its own police force, though there would be advantages to having a close cooperation between the two. Hopefully a common defence force would remove the possibility, or lessen the likelihood, of conflict between the two states.

3.      There should be a “Schengen-Area” type arrangement for travel and movement between the two states. That is, Israelis and Palestinians should be able to travel freely into each territory on  their passports or identification papers.

4.      The two states should work towards establishing a common economic zone and market (like the EU), but perhaps without the political structure (i.e. an EU-style parliament). The arrangement would be more of an economic-treaty affair. This would hopefully be also extended over time to include the whole region, and certainly including Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt.

This will only really be workable if there is at the same time (both before and alongside) the creation of a two-state solution, a concerted effort by Israelis and Palestinians of goodwill to get to know one another.  Building up trust will be a long process. I imagine it may take several generations. There may need to be structural mechanisms (e.g. “Truth and Reconciliation Commissions”?) to address past hurts, injustices and misunderstandings. Certainly movements within civil society (some of which already exist) that promote peace and mutual understanding will need to be strengthened and broadened.

Finally, I know that it is always easy for those on the outside, and faraway to think they see where the problems lie and how to address them. Israelis and Palestinians will have to work this out themselves. Peace and mutual understanding, not to mention that ability to live together in close proximity, will be best achieved when they work out the strategies and processes that will enable a better future.

[Note: Phyllis Bennis, Inside Israel-Palestine: The Conflict Explained. Oxford: New Internationalist, 2007, provides a good question-and-answer introduction to the issue.  This is a good book to start with. A blog I wrote earlier, which appears below: "Israel/Palestine: A Lenten Course of Reading" (published April 22, 2020) contains a description of some other books, including the one by Izzeldin Abuelaish, and another by a Jewish American Rabbi Michael Lerner that includes some interesting proposals or "strategies" for dealing with the situation 

Leslie Stein, an Australian academic has written three books on the history of the creation and history of the State of Israel until 2014. They are: The Hope Fulfilled: The Rise of  Modern Israel. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003; The Making of Modern Israel 1948-1967. Cambridge, UK/Malden, MA: Polity, 2009; and Israel Since the Six-Day War: Tears of Joy, Tears of Sorrow. Polity, 2014.

Two excellent histories are: 
Anton La Guardia, Holy Land, Unholy War: Israelis and Palestinians. 3rd Edition; London: Penguin, 2007.
David Fromkin, A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East. New York: Henry Holt, 1989.

Paul Danahar, The New Middle East: The World After the Arab Spring. London: Bloomsbury, 2013, has a couple of very interesting chapters on Israel, including one that gives an insight into the complexities of Israeli society.

Finally, Mitri Raheb, The Politics of Persecution: Middle Eastern Christians in an Age of Empire. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, has written an important book from a Palestinian Christian perspective, which covers the plight of Christians in the Middle East from 1799 until the Arab Spring. It includes an argument that the story of "persecuted Christians" is a Western construct to serve Western national interests.]

[1] For such different assessments, and, indeed, descriptions of the nature of the negotiations, see e.g. Leslie Stein, Israel Since the Six-Day War: Tears of Joy, Tears of Sorrow (Cambridge, UK; Malden, MA: Polity, 2014), 245–47, where he writes of the Palestinians missing “an historic opportunity” because they insisted on Israel coming their way “on all the issues on which it procrastinates” (his emphasis) including the right of Palestinians to return to their former homes. Anton La Guardia, Holy Land, Unholy War: Israelis and Palestinians (3rd edition; London: Penguin, 2007) describes how “Prince Bandar, the Saudi ambassador in Washington, told Arafat his refusal to accept the Clinton parameters was ‘a crime’ against Palestinians and the Arab world.” (300). Phyliss Bennis, however, in Inside Israel-Palestine: The Conflict Explained (Oxford: New Internationalist, 2007), writes that Barak’s “‘generous offer’ was a myth” because it did not meet “the requirements of international law”, and because of that fact that “the disparity of power that had long characterized Israel-Palestinian negotiations remained unchallenged”, (see pp. 145–46). Assessments of bad faith often depend upon whose side one is on: or on perspectives determined by a particular stance.

[2] Izzeldin Abuelaish, I Shall Not Hate: A Gaza Doctor’s Journey on the Road to Peace and Human Dignity (London: Bloomsbury, 2011).

[3] The New Zealand Herald,  11/10/2023, A 17.

[4] Bennis, Inside Israel-Palestine: the Conflict Explained, 183–84; main quote on p. 184.